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Alter's book may be about the first year of Obama's presidency, but it feels like it covers decades of American history. There's a great occasion in Oliver Stone's film Nixon in which the protagonist concludes a discussion held while 1963 in which allies call for him to run for president in 68 by rejecting their offer, saying "in politics five years is an eternity." All too true. This was before the Jfk assassination, Vietnam, the climax of the civil possession movement, etc.
It's extraordinary how many issues come up in The Promise: condition care, Afghanistan, the war on terror, the auto bailouts, the stimulus, education, Republican obstructionism, study and amelioration in science and medicine... Following politics while the Obama era can be spellbinding and disorienting because there is so much to keep up with. But Alter does a fine job at guiding the reader through all things with precision. His decision to hire the voice of an historian, as opposed to that of a modern journalist, by talking in the past tense, lends the report an air of neutrality and authority; his study enables him to provide at once an inside perspective gleaned from interviews with Obama and his aides and an external viewpoint culled from the media and public opinion; and his prose are crisp and clear-The Promise is not quite a page turner, but it can be a quick read.
Most important, the author puts many things in perspective by fully delineating Obama's legislative accomplishments, how and why they are poorly understood by the public, and the president's decision-making process.
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Here are some of the highlights: the Stimulus holder consisted of "five landmark pieces of legislation in one," featuring "the biggest tax cuts for the middle class since Reagan, the biggest infrastructure bill since the Interstate Highway Act in the 1950's, the biggest study bill since Lyndon Johnson's first federal aid to education," and "the biggest scientific and healing study speculation in forty years" (131). Alter explains that the "Race to the Top" study program allocates billions of dollars to be awarded only to states that expound correction in student/teacher performance.
Nevertheless, most Americans felt limited impact (and amazingly continue to confuse the stimulus with the bailouts) because the benefits, such as "energy tax credits, scientific research, and averted teacher layoffs were largely invisible" (128). In other words, although agreeing to most economists the stimulus staved off a depression and put in place a plethora of programs that will advantage the country in time, the midpoint American saw few tangible effects of the endeavor in his daily life.
As for condition care reform, the author calls concentration to the administration's lesser known decision to incentivize condition care providers to switch from the fee-for-service model to a salary-based one for doctors. Most of the top hospitals hire this method, and it will save billions. This along with Medicare cuts and prioritizing preventive care will significantly cut the financial burden of condition care agreeing to a Cbo analysis. Alter provides a nice summary of the reform, which, among other things, will insure 31 out of the remaining 47 million uninsured Americans by providing subsidies for them to join a new exchange shop and certify coverage for those with pre-existing conditions.
Alter explains that Obama knew his push for reform would damage his approval ratings, and most of his aides begged him to back off. But he persisted, driven by the confidence that condition care costs would render the national debt unmanageable in a matter of years. Although he could not contain all things he wanted in the legislation, Obama took solace in considering how Fdr's public security program was at first feeble but strengthened with each ensuing decade. Not surprisingly, condition care reform was unpopular because the real benefits got lost in the national discussion, which revolved nearby angry disinformation on the right about death panels and lamentation on the left about the lack of a public option. The latter was more surprising and confusing, however, because, as Alter points out, "the phrase 'public option' wasn't used a particular time in a particular campaign speech... But now it became a rallying cry for the liberal base" (259). As with the stimulus, condition care reform fell prey to imaginary problems and awful Pr.
Perhaps most spellbinding and worth reading, however, is the discussion of Obama's decision-making process. He deliberates with acute care and caution, but, contrary to his detractors' claims, once he makes up his mind, he does so decisively. To quote Alter, Obama's "approach in meetings resembled that of a judge in a courtroom. The president, advisors said, was often like a swing-vote supreme Court justice peppering lawyers with questions while oral arguments without revealing which side of the Case he would come down on" (219). However, once a decision had been made, Obama's attitude was, "it's located and I don't want to see it on my desk again" (221).
In addition, Alter describes how every day Obama receives a "purple folder" containing ten letters (selected from a pool of forty thousand) written by ordinary Americans. The letters provide the president with a "lifeline to the world face the bubble" (213) of Washington and enable him to associate with the people by perusing accounts of their problems, such as condition care induced bankruptcy or normal injustices. He composes two or three personal handwritten notes in reply each day.
Above all, The Promise did much to restore my faith and confidence in Obama. We all know how rocky and confounding his fist year in office was. And for an management which most people can agree experienced serious transportation deficiencies, Alter's book does an excellent job at providing the White House's perspective, all the while offering fair criticism. For example, Alter dismisses Obama's temporary boycott of Fox News, claiming that it was counterproductive and created the fee that if the president is willing to negotiate with enemies abroad, such as Iran, it's hypocritical of him to refuse to talk to enemies at home.
The book also satisfactorily details the mental behind many of Obama's controversial strategies: In Iran Obama remained quiet while the Green Revolution last summer lest he revive an excuse for the regime to blame America for the uproar and brand it a conspiracy with any credibility; next, the president deems the Israeli-Arab peace process principal for the former, whose current predicament is unsustainable in the long run, and he has been more irate at the latter (ironically), who have acted as if they could just sit back and wait till the White House dismantles all the settlements; in Afghanistan, he ordered a pay increase for the Afghan army to recruit soldiers that would have previously been enticed by the Taliban's compassionate salaries, and he set a deadline for troop relinquishment to signal that the Afghans should feel a sense of crisis at training soldiers and securing the country rather than come to be too reliant on American forces; last, he failed to originate a smart grid with his stimulus holder not because of a lack of endeavor or desire, but because the bureaucratic hurdles were insurmountable, forcing the president to focus on smaller projects to reshape our vigor system.
In sum, The Promise offers a accepted catalogue of a tumultuous first year for a highly capable, intellectually impressive, surprisingly tough and persistent president struggling with the most demanding of all jobs and a severely damaged political system.
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Most instances you possibly did not act at all due to fear of losing something (a friend or job), losing face or just getting involved. Who wants to be the front man? Who wants to get complicated in man else's company or affairs? I don't and I understand why you would not want to either.
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For example, your boss is cheating on his wife with a co-worker at the office and you are aware of the affair. You have met the boss's wife any times at the company's every year Christmas party and you think see is just a doll. You dread having to converse with her and your boss because you feel horrible for her and think she should know about her cheating husband's infidelity, but you don't want to get complicated or loose your job. So you keep that untold story to yourself because you don't want to be one the one to blow the whistle. The question with that is eating at you every day. You don't know what to do and you do not want to live with that uncomfortable feeling any longer.
Well you can convert that right now! You can palpate us at this point in time and we will carry the news of the affair to the unaware wife. Here is the obvious side of things. You now feel great about yourself, you did something about it and you did not get complicated because you will never be exposed. Good for you! Your identity will not be disclosed. Guaranteed!
If you know your boss is having an affair there is a good opportunity every person else in the office knows about his affair. Think how embarrassing it is to be his wife. Would you want to be in her shoes? I would not and neither would you? every person knows but her as he is parading nearby with some other woman in the shadows. She needs to know. You would want to know. She is going to be upset for sure, but thankful in the end!
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